{"id":252585,"date":"2024-03-22T15:04:59","date_gmt":"2024-03-22T13:04:59","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ctrcenter.org\/?p=252585"},"modified":"2024-03-22T15:04:59","modified_gmt":"2024-03-22T13:04:59","slug":"taking-stock-a-decade-of-russias-occupation-of-crimea","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ctrcenter.org\/en\/taking-stock-a-decade-of-russias-occupation-of-crimea","title":{"rendered":"Taking Stock: A Decade of Russia\u2019s Occupation of Crimea"},"content":{"rendered":"

Simferopol, Crimea – Aug 28, 2016: Building housing the local government of Crimea. A structure near stairs read “Crimea. Russia. Forever.”<\/p>\n

February 2024 marked the tenth anniversary of Russia\u2019s invasion and occupation of Crimea. In the eight years before the full-scale invasion, Crimea receded from most people\u2019s radar.\u00a0Today, however, it has regained prominence\u2014as a base for attacks on Ukraine, a region Ukrainian forces are focused on liberating, and a big piece of the puzzle in securing peace for Ukraine. But Russia has devoted considerable technologies, both infrastructural and visual, to trying to persuade the world that Russian control of the peninsula is henceforth permanent.<\/p>\n

Colonial Infrastructure<\/strong><\/p>\n

The most effective way for colonial powers to claim a territory is to build on it. Since the eighteenth century, when Russia first conquered Crimea, it has used infrastructure to secure and immortalize its hold on the territory.<\/p>\n

An example of this is the\u00a0dacha<\/em>, a land plot awarded to Russian settlers as an incentive to move to Crimea and a hallmark of Russian imperial rule. It allowed thousands of well-to-do Russians to resettle in Crimea and reimagine it as a Russian riviera, a splendid outpost for the middle and upper classes to sojourn during the summer months.<\/p>\n

During the Soviet era, while the image of a Crimean riviera was carefully preserved for mass consumption, the Soviet Union poured massive resources into military infrastructure on the peninsula. The Black Sea Fleet accounted for 140,000 military personnel in the 1980s, and Crimea became a foremost site for military research,\u00a0production, and storage.<\/p>\n

In addition to its military equipment factories and shipyards, Crimea had ten military airfields, control system for weapons, air defense system facilities, and nuclear warheads storage facilities.<\/p>\n

Since the most recent Russian invasion of Crimea in 2014, Russia has continued to invest in infrastructural projects as a means of cementing Russia\u2019s grip on the peninsula, securing loyalty from the population through improvement projects, and generally recasting the space as Russian.<\/p>\n

Perhaps the most famous infrastructure projects are the Crimean Bridge and Tavrida Highway. In 2018, Russia completed the construction of bridge that connected Crimea to Russia with two parallel four-lane roads and a railway track between the Taman peninsula in Krasnodar Krai and the city of Kerch. The construction of this twelve-mile-long bridge cost $3.7 billion.<\/p>\n

Two years later the four-lane Tavrida Highway, 1,606 miles long, was constructed, connecting the bridge with critical Crimean cities such as Simferopol, Sevastopol, and Yevpatoria.<\/p>\n

Both the bridge and highway, while exemplifying Russia\u2019s efforts to control and absorb Crimea into its space, also serve the specific military function of enabling the transport of troops and military. This vital logistical function explains Putin\u2019s presence at the grand opening of both projects and Ukrainian forces\u2019 intense focus on putting them out of commission since 2022.<\/p>\n

Social Colonization through Infrastructure<\/strong><\/p>\n

To compensate for the consequences of the international sanctions that have plunged Crimea into an economic abyss, Russia has invested heavily in social infrastructure: kindergartens, schools, and hospitals. Crimea is allegedly the most subsidized region under Russian control, accounting for 65\u201370 percent of direct\u00a0subsidies<\/a>\u00a0from the Russian federal budget. Investment in social infrastructure, while aimed at winning the hearts and minds of Crimea\u2019s population, has simultaneously created sites for surveillance and dissemination of Russian propaganda. Especially through schools and control of curricula, Russia strives to integrate children and their parents into the \u201cRussian world.\u201d<\/p>\n

When I visited Crimea in 2020 for research, it was apparent that even the most outspoken opponents of Russian occupation regarded these infrastructure projects with approval.<\/p>\n

Visual Colonization<\/strong><\/p>\n

Most of my interlocutors in 2020 were convinced that war against Ukraine was coming. The feeling of approaching war was palpable not only because of the growing military infrastructure but also from changes in the visual landscape.<\/p>\n

The Crimean public space had been visually reorganized around Soviet and war nostalgia themes. Already in January, four months before Russia\u2019s Victory Day on May 9, which celebrates success and valor in World War II, a huge banner was hanging in Sevastopol: \u201c75 years of the victory (1945\u20132020)! Victory in the Great Patriotic War was, is, and always will be the fulcrum of Russia\u2019s people and its sustainable development!\u201d<\/p>\n

Nearby you could see a random restaurant sign, \u201cHeroes of a Great Country,\u201d and a poster featuring a Soviet soldier.<\/p>\n

Visual materials in all public spaces remind Crimeans of their privilege of belonging to the greatest country in the world that, if necessary, \u201ccan do it again,\u201d a slogan promising to win in a crusade against the West just as happened in 1945, according to current revisionist history.<\/p>\n

The war propaganda follows you everywhere, in the names of streets, monuments, and exhibitions scattered around the cities.<\/p>\n

One such monument is a tall stele with statues of soldiers on three sides. One statue is of a soldier of the Crimean War (1853\u20131856), the second is of a Soviet soldier of World War II, and the third is of a Russian soldier who participated in the annexation of Crimea in 2014. This monument is a pinnacle of Russian propaganda tailored to a Crimean audience.<\/p>\n

All these visual materials have made Crimea a Disneyland of Soviet\/Russian nostalgia. Everything that could remind one of Ukraine has been removed or painted over. It is prohibited to display remembrances of the peninsula\u2019s history between 1991 and 2014.<\/p>\n

The same goes for the Crimean Tatar heritage. The Bakhchisaray Palace\u2014the only testament to Crimean Tatar statehood\u2014is under permanent \u201cconstruction,\u201d or, more accurately, destruction. Any Crimean Tatar initiative to preserve their identity is under the strict control of the occupying authorities.<\/p>\n

Russia\u2019s Normalization Efforts Meet Ukrainians\u2019 Tenacity<\/strong><\/p>\n

The longer Russia\u2019s occupation of Crimea lasts, the more permanent it seems. Russia has normalized war and a Russian presence. Memories of the \u201cbefore times\u201d fade, or those with intact memories have left.<\/p>\n

But Russia\u2019s colonization of space and memory obscures one vital point: the eventual return of the Crimean Peninsula to Ukrainian control and Ukrainian society when Russia\u2019s bellicosity crumples.<\/p>\n

By\u00a0Mariia Shynkarenko<\/a>\u00a0on\u00a0March 7, 2024<\/i><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Photo: Cholpan<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Simferopol, Crimea – Aug 28, 2016: Building housing the local government of Crimea. A structure near stairs read “Crimea. Russia. Forever.” February 2024 marked the tenth anniversary of Russia\u2019s invasion and occupation of Crimea. 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